Diane Abbott :
Venezuela and its quest for a UN Security Council seat
This week Caricom has been debating Venezuela's bid for a UN Security
Council seat. Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez certainly appears to
be thriving in his role as public enemy number one (in the Americas
) to the United States.
In the past few days he has been showing off the new Russian fighter
jets he is planning to acquire in defiance of a US arms embargo; signing
a treaty to enter a South American trade bloc with Brazil, Argentina,
Uruguay, and Paraguay and making speeches about further South American
regional integration.
There is a lavishly
funded CIA propaganda offensive against Chavez. For instance, American
newspapers will carry photographs of anti-Chavez demonstrations, but
will somehow not have the space for photographs of much larger pro-Chavez
demonstrations that happen on the same day.
This
media bias means that there are some aspects of the Venezuelan situation
that are not sufficiently understood. For instance, not many people
grasp how much race plays a part in the strong feelings the Venezuelan
elites have against Chavez.
For five centuries, Venezuela has been run by a white elite, the pureblooded
descendants of Spanish colonialists. But 80% of Venezuelans are brown
like Chavez. And there has been social segregation that reflects the
racial fault line.
In
the capital Caracas rich white Venezuelans live in luxurious skyscrapers
in a city centre whose skyline resembles New York. But poor brown
Venezuelans live in shantytowns on the hillsides surrounding the city.
No wonder the members of the elite reserve a special contempt for
Chavez.
BBC journalist Greg Palast said in a recent article: "Look at
the Chronicle/AP photo of the anti-Chavez marchers in Venezuela. Note
their colour white. And not just any white. A creamy rich white. I
interviewed them and recorded in this order: a banker in high heels
and push-up bra; an oil industry executive (same outfit); and a plantation
owner who rode to Caracas in a silver Jaguar. And the colour of the
pro-Chavez marchers? Dark Brown. Brown and round as cola nuts. Just
like their hero, President Chavez. They wore an unvarying uniform
of jeans and T-shirts".
And it is brown
Venezuelans who have benefited from Chavez's social programmes including
free health care, subsidised food and land reform. Perhaps most journalists
do not remark on the racial issue because they take it for granted
that white people should run things.
Chavez
is actually a very thoughtful and well-read man with important things
to say about globalisation. But he is perhaps best known for his anti-Americanism.
And, taken out of context, many of his remarks seem unnecessarily
crude and offensive.
However, his anti-Bush anti-American polemics are very popular, both
in Venezuela itself, and in the rest of the region.
But
to understand the strength of Chavez's feeling against America you
have to understand how deeply the Americans were implicated in the
failed coup against him in 2002.
An award-winning film The Revolution Will Not Be Televised www.chavezthefilm.
com/index_ex.htm has extraordinary footage of the coup attempt including
coup plotters boasting next day on television how they had done it.
The
plan was to get the people on the street and when they reached their
peak activate the army.
And at first it did seem like a text-book CIA operation; exactly the
kind of US-funded and instigated activity that had successfully destabilised
regimes in the region from Cheddi Jagan in 1960s Guyana to Salvador
Allende in Chile in the 1970s and the Sandinistas in Nicaragua in
the 1980s.
The coup leaders
were in close contact with the US government (one eventually fled
to Miami), American officers were at the base where Chavez was held
during the coup, an American plane landed there apparently to take
him out of the country, and American military vessels were seen in
Venezuelan waters.
But the army stayed loyal to Chavez. This and the overwhelming support
of ordinary people meant that he was restored to power within days.
But the Americans
do not want to get rid of Chavez just because he is rude about them.
Venezuela is America's largest supplier of oil. Chavez controls 1.3
trillion barrels of oil - more than the entire declared oil reserves
of the rest of the planet. And, as the Iraqis have found to their
cost, US foreign policy is currently driven by oil and the need to
ensure that there are puppet regimes wherever there is a major US
supplier.
But, far from
being a puppet regime, amongst the first things that Chavez did on
taking power were to cut oil production, raise the oil price, revitalise
the oil producers club OPEC, spearhead a mammoth US$20 billion project
to build a gas pipeline in order to make Venezuela's natural gas available
across South America and begin a process of making cheap oil available
in the region.
There could not be a set of policies more opposed to the interest
of US oil barons.
There is a discussion
going as to whether (whatever Caricom decides) Jamaica should support
Venezuela or Guatemala for the Security Council seat. The US is clearly
terrified that Chavez will gain an international platform. So it is
putting enormous pressure on the region to support Guatemala .
No
doubt, Prime Minister Portia Simpson will make a decision that is
in Jamaica's long-term best interests. But, whatever happens about
the Security Council seat, it would be unfortunate if Chavez's florid
anti-American rhetoric detracted from his very real achievements and
important critique of globalisation.
Diane
Abbott is
a columnist wirh the Jamaica Observer. Petroleumworld not necessarily
share these views.