Opinion
- Editorial- Commentary
Rickey
Singh:
Chavez's
'loss' and powers
IT
HAS been said that "power corrupts, and
absolute power corrupts absolutely". It is
something that the electorate of any civilised
democracy would do well to remember. Political
opponents, and others, of Venezuela's Hugo Chavez
may have been influenced by this consideration
when they voted at Sunday's national referendum
to deprive him-albeit by a very slender margin-of
absolute power in seeking indefinite re-election
as president of Venezuela.
The
charismatic Chavez is one of two "caudillos" in
the western hemisphere that US President George
W Bush loves to hate-the other being Fidel Castro.
It is a sentiment they both gladly reciprocate
for the outgoing tenant in the White House.
Chavez's "sin" is
his reputation for acquiring enormous political
power. He is not tarnished
by the sin of acquiring personal wealth by corrupt
deals-as some before his presidency had been accused.
His rise to power since 1998 has been derived
from the democratic electoral process-much to the
deep frustration of enemies at home and abroad.
It is the process by which he has also suffered
loss, for the first time, at Sunday's referendum.
In a surprisingly low 56 per cent voter response
to the referendum on Chavez's controversial constitutional
reform programme, defeat came by a mere two per
cent margin-49 to him, with the winning 51 per
cent to the opposition.
His ambition of securing a convincing victory
was shattered by failure of his known supporters
among the 40 per cent that did not cast their ballots,
and who either felt that victory was assured, anyway-always
the dilemma for populist national leaders or, perhaps,
they also had some reservations about the extent
of additional powers that Chavez wished to accumulate.
Of significance, and not just for Venezuela and
the greater Caribbean (that country is a founding
member of the Association of Caribbean States that
is based in Port of Spain) was Chavez's mature
response to the outcome of the referendum.
He
lost no time in congratulating his opponents,
appealed to them to "manage victory" without
conflicts; help to keep the streets free of the
raging turmoil evident during the campaign; and
assured-even if biting his tongue in the process-that
as "a democrat" he would abide by the
results.
Those who may interpret this as Chavez in retreat,
humbled by a free vote to which he had committed
himself, should think again.
For a start, he continues to possess enormous
powers right up to 2013, when someone else will
assume the presidency in Caracas, based on free
and fair election. Unless, of course, some unforeseen
political upheaval occurs.
Until 2013 then, Chavez can govern, if necessary,
by decree under a law approved last January by
the Venezuelan congress which he firmly controls.
With huge oil and natural gas wealth at his disposal,
an army and political machinery still very much
in his corner, he may be able to comfortably ride
out the rest of his term with little to fear from
traditional opposition quarters-among them the
media, where freedom has been significantly curtailed.
Chavez
has vowed to press ahead with his policies and
programmes to "build socialism" and,
in the process, utilise Venezuela's oil wealth
to expand special relations with Caribbean and
Latin American nations as he jeeringly thumbs his
nose at George Bush.
What Chavez and the US President have in common,
apart from being freely elected (only for Bush's
current second term) and, consequently, tag themselves "democrats",
is their abuse of executive powers.
Such
abuses, involving areas like the judiciary; intelligence
gathering; privacy and other basic
personal freedoms, have at times paled into insignificance
when compared with those of our own home-based "democrats" heading
governments of Caricom's multi-party democracies.
For
now, the Venezuelan leader has the challenge
to heed his own advice to democratically "manage" the
sweeping powers he retains. Equally, his opponents
face the challenge to "manage victory" and
resist squandering success under the influences
of externally-driven forces that reputedly played
a clever hand in Chavez's referendum defeat.
Caricom, which has consistently shown interest
in maintaining good relations with Venezuela-while
remaining firmly on Guyana's side in the territorial
controversy with successive administrations in
Caracas -will undoubtedly be monitoring political
developments under Chavez's continuing rule, and
presumably without any externally driven influence.
Rickey
Singh is
a commentary writer in The Trinidad Express.
Petroleumworld not necessarily share these
views.
Editor's
Note: This article was first publish in
Trinidad Express, Wednesday, December 5th 2007.
Petroleumworld
reprint this article in the interest
of our readers.
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Petroleumworld
12/ 09/07
Copyright ©2006
Rickey
Singh.
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